Abstracts
Abstract
Can economic protectionism in the Global South induce environmental reforms in the Global North? In 2017, China enacted “Operation National Sword,” which banned the import of a subset of internationally traded waste and scrap products. This unexpected and unprecedented collapse in Chinese demand – justified in China on environmental grounds and also an initial move in the brewing US-China trade war – shook global markets. Both the European Union and United States have long relied on exports to achieve “not in my backyard” (NIMBY) waste management goals, and China had become the dominant importer of a variety of their post-industrial and post-consumer products such as waste plastics. Thus, after 2017 EU and US waste exporters had to adjust, by reducing exports and/or diverting to new foreign markets. Conceivably, the collapse in global demand for certain waste products could ripple back to EU and US waste management policy, providing a sufficient shock to advance reform. At the same time, it is well established that the EU has environmental bona fides far exceeding those of the US. We use novel quantitative data to trace the nature of the shock to exports, providing evidence that disruptions to exports manifested in ways more visible to EU audiences than those in the US. Qualitatively, we show that EU-level policy has made meaningful strides, both within the EU and internationally, whereas initially bipartisan US interest frayed, leaving the problem of adjustment to US municipalities. Our analysis departs from conventional policy debates on the links between free trade and the environment to show that protective measures – not just trade agreements – can foster new policy linkages under certain circumstances. As what we term the “China garbage shock” reinforced rather than challenge the preexisting environmental policy cleavage between the EU and US, Chinese protectionism bolstered trade-environment linkages in a most-likely case but did not overcome trade disconnects in a least-likely case.
Résumé
Le protectionnisme économique dans les pays du Sud peut-il induire des réformes environnementales dans les pays du Nord ? En 2017, la Chine a mis en place l'opération « National Sword », qui interdit l'importation d'une partie des déchets commercialisés à l'échelle internationale. Cet effondrement inattendu et sans précédent de la demande chinoise, justifié par des raisons environnementales, et qui constituait par ailleurs une première étape dans la guerre commerciale entre les États-Unis et la Chine, a secoué les marchés mondiaux. L'Union Européenne et les États-Unis comptent depuis longtemps sur les exportations pour atteindre leurs objectifs de gestion des déchets selon le principe « pas dans mon jardin » (NIMBY), et la Chine était devenue le principal importateur d'une grande variété de leurs produits post-industriels et post-consommation, tels que les déchets plastiques. Ainsi, après 2017, les exportateurs de déchets de l'UE et des États-Unis ont dû s'adapter en réduisant leurs exportations et/ou en se tournant vers de nouveaux marchés étrangers. En théorie, l'effondrement de la demande mondiale pour certains déchets pourrait avoir des répercussions sur la politique de gestion des déchets de l'UE et des États-Unis, provoquant un choc suffisant pour réformer le traitement des déchets. Dans le même temps, il est bien établi que l'UE a une crédibilité environnementale bien supérieure à celle des États-Unis. Dans cet article, nous utilisons des données quantitatives novatrices pour retracer la nature du choc subi par les exportations, fournissant ainsi la preuve que les perturbations des exportations se sont manifestées de manière plus visible pour le public européen que pour le public américain. Sur le plan qualitatif, nous montrons que la politique menée au niveau de l'UE a permis de réaliser des progrès significatifs, tant au sein de l'UE qu'à l'échelle internationale, alors que l'intérêt initialement bipartisan des États-Unis s'est dissipé, reléguant le problème de l'ajustement aux municipalités américaines. Notre analyse se distingue des débats politiques conventionnels sur les liens entre le libre-échange et l'environnement pour montrer que les mesures de protection – et pas seulement les accords commerciaux – peuvent favoriser de nouvelles connexions entre différentes sphères politiques dans certaines circonstances. Alors que ce que nous appelons le « choc des déchets chinois » a renforcé plutôt que remis en cause le clivage préexistant entre l'UE et les États-Unis en matière de politique environnementale, le protectionnisme chinois a renforcé les liens entre commerce et environnement dans le scénario le plus probable, mais n'a pas permis de surmonter les divergences commerciales dans le scénario le moins probable.
Appendices
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