ES:

La Transición supuso poner fin al monolingüismo instaurado por el franquismo y abrir una etapa de reconocimiento a la diversidad lingüística. A pesar de ser un período de gran transcendencia, son más bien escasos los estudios dedicados al tema. En este artículo me he limitado a estudiar las ideologías lingüísticas de los lectores del periódico El País durante la Transición, expresadas a través de su sección de cartas al director. Las opiniones de los lectores no presentan un tono uniforme, sino que abarcan todo tipo de planteamientos, a menudo antagónicos, desde aspectos generales y teóricos (lengua nacional, dialectos, oficialidad…), hasta temas más concretos, tales como la enseñanza o los derechos lingüísticos, más habituales durante los primeros años de democracia. En términos generales, en las cartas al director publicadas en El País dominan las opiniones de los lectores que expresan sus objeciones hacia la diversidad lingüística.

EN:

The Spanish transition meant the end of the monolingualism established by the Francoist regime and the beginning of a period of recognition of language diversity. Despite the importance of the issue, during what was a crucial period, there is relatively little work dedicated to it. This article focuses on the language ideologies of the readers of El País, as expressed in the newspaper’s letters section, during the Spanish transition. The readers’ opinions do not have a uniform tone, but they cover, in a quite often agonistic way, a wide range of issues, from general and theoretical ones (national language, dialects and officialdom…), to more concrete ones, such as education and linguistic rights, which was more usual during the first years of democracy. In general terms, a vast majority of opinions defended in the letters to the editor of El País raise objections to language diversity.

IT:

Il dualismo tra Nord e Sud Italia ha avuto un ruolo importantissimo per la costruzione dell’identità nazionale e ancora oggi struttura gran parte dei discorsi politici e mediatici sullo stato del Paese. È un luogo comune ritenere che, al momento dell’Unità d’Italia, il Paese fosse diviso in un Nord progredito e moderno e un Sud arretrato economicamente e socialmente. Tali costruzioni di senso sono radicate in più ampie correnti di pensiero europee che a cavallo tra XVIII e XIX secolo hanno contribuito a tratteggiare la profonda alterità del meridione europeo e hanno in parte alimentato le imprese risorgimentali italiane. Il presente contributo intende svolgere alcune riflessioni sulle ideologie linguistico-discorsive che hanno alimentato il dualismo Nord-Sud e delineare un percorso di ricerca di lunga durata.

EN:

The dualism between North and South Italy has played a very important role in the construction of national identity and structures most of the political and media discourse on the state of our country still today. It is commonplace to assume that at the time of the Unification of Italy, the country was divided into an advanced modern North and an economically and socially backward South. Such constructions of meaning are rooted in broader currents of thought that at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries have contributed to outlining the profound otherness of the European south and have partly fuelled the Italian Risorgimento. The present paper intends to trace some reflections on the linguistic-discursive ideologies that have nourished the North-South dualism and outlines a long-term research path.

IT:

Il lavoro analizza e mette a confronto le strategie comunicative di due comici prestati alla politica: il francese Dieudonné e l’italiano Beppe Grillo. I nuovi canali messi a disposizione dal web hanno consentito ai due personaggi di superare l’ostacolo rappresentato dalla “messa al bando” dai media tradizionali e di diffondere in modo virale discorsi ad alto potenziale polemico, la cui forza impressiva si affida anche alla dimensione iconica e al gesto ad effetto. Si è constatato che l’ethos da polemista, che caratterizza i discorsi di entrambi i leader, tende a sfociare in scelte retorico-argomentative riconducibili al genere del pamphlet. L’articolata retorica discorsiva dei due leader si è dimostrata capace di risvegliare un pathos negativo nei rispettivi seguaci, che, riconoscendo in loro figure dotate di una nuova autorità, tendono ad aderire incondizionatamente a nuove ideologie, di cui, sebbene in contesti socio-culturali diversi, i nuovi media sanno farsi potente veicolo di diffusione.

EN:

This study focuses on the communicative strategies that Dieudonné and Grillo use in their public discourse. Both the Italian and the French leader have been comedians, and have recently become protagonists of public debates in their countries. Both of them exploit the Web to spread their polemical discourses, which have proven to be viral in the era of liberalization of obscene language, insults, cries, and provocative gestures against the establishment. The polemical ethos which characterizes Grillo’s and Dieudonne’s discourses tend to become more and more violent, and to acquire features typical of the pamphlet. This study shows that their well-organized rhetoric has been able to awaken a negative pathos in their followers, who appreciate their new and more modern forms of authority. That is why they become all-out supporters and easily tend to adhere to new ideologies, which become viral due to the new media.

FR:

Une familiarité avec les discours sur la langue dans la presse acadienne m’a conduit à porter une attention particulière à un discours récurrent sur la question du niveau de littératie des francophones du Nouveau-Brunswick et des besoins en alphabétisation des membres de cette communauté. Par une analyse critique de discours, et en pensant avant tout la littératie comme une pratique sociale, je mets en lumière la charge idéologique de cette notion et de tout discours portant sur les questions d’alphabétisation. En lien avec la tendance grandissante dans nos sociétés à évaluer les pratiques linguistiques comme des compétences mesurables, ainsi que dans un contexte plus large de dénigrement permanent des pratiques du groupe étudié, je mets de l’avant la manière dont la notion de littératie et la question de l’alphabétisation sont investies discursivement, soit par un discours de l’emphase soit par un traitement intimiste, tous deux largement orientés idéologiquement. In fine, je cherche à déceler quelle(s) grande(s) idéologie(s) servent les discours étudiés.

EN:

Familiarity with language discourses in the Acadian Press led me to pay special attention to a recurrent discussion on the issue of the literacy level of Francophones in New Brunswick and the literacy needs of members of this community. Using critical discourse analysis, and analyzing literacy primarily as a social practice, I highlight the ideological nature of this position, and indeed of all discourses on literacy. After highlighting the growing tendencies of our societies toward the evaluation of linguistic practices as measurable skills, and the denigration of the practices of the group studied, I underline the extent to which the very notion of literacy is invested discursively and oriented ideologically. In short, I attempt to discover which ideology or ideologies the discourse studied serves.